Excerpts from Assiyasah’s Interview with Samir Kassir
Beirut, Omar Badran
Assiyasah: November 11, 2004
The Democratic Left Movement is a Newborn on the Lebanese stage Samir Kassir: There is a need for a secular and non-sectarian voice independent of Syrian pressures [...] For his part, Samir Kassir, member of the Democratic Left Movement (DLM), told Assiyasah that there is a need for the revival of party movement in Lebanon since all parties, from the right and the left, are suffering several crises. In addition, to the general party crisis, there is a crisis pertaining to the Lebanese left and this has been due to two reasons: The first is domestic and is related to the bitter and unconvincing experience that the Lebanese left saw during the days of what was known as the "National Movement," especially that it ended with the complete eclipsing of this left at the political level and at the hands of the Syrians as everyone knows. The other reason is the downfall of the Soviet Union and the questions that this downfall posed on the leftist thought at large. It was natural that there would be an attempt to offer an answer. As for the DLM, preparations started a while ago and since the beginning of the 1990s, a number of failing attempts were aimed at the building of political movements or new parties. Why do you think the circumstances now have become ripe for the announcement of these movements? I believe the current political circumstances have played their role in the occurrence of such movements for there is a necessity for some kind of action. Those behind the DLM have become convinced that there was no hope in staying in the Lebanese Communist Party. They had to go somewhere else to the extent that they expressed insistence that their movement would not be like an offshoot of the Communist Party, and this was what convinced me to join this adventure. Do you see a possibility for the revival of party activity in Lebanon? I think there is a possibility now for the revival of party activity in Lebanon, despite all odds. In my opinion, there is thirst for political party activity in light of the existence of the intention among the politicized people to be organized within a party framework. We should admit, however, that the current era doesn't look fit for leftist thought whether on the level of economics due to the dominance of utmost liberalism or on the level of thought with the dominance of Islamist thought. But despite all of this, there is room for this secular movement that is frustrated of the liberal experience. In my opinion something should be done that would help the achievement of social justice while taking into consideration all the qualifications and reservations against the social welfare state. In my opinion, there is no way out of this kind of party activity. In Lebanon there is a need for a secular and non-sectarian voice that is not restricted to one sect and at the same time is pro-independence but not to the extent of obsession for we have no problem, for instance, to be connected to the Syrian opposition. We should look for a new basis on which the country should be established independently, or at least outside of the framework of the relations of dominance and following, even though we don't see any problem in having special relations with Syria. Even more, I don't mind a confederate union with her [Syria], but not for Lebanon to remain a follower of Damascus and under its control. What is your view on the unfolding domestic affairs, and do you think that the DLM is able to attract popular following and to influence public opinion? We don't aspire for our movement to give its results in days and we don't have an ambition to win fifty seats, for example, in the parliamentary elections, even if we hope that we would have some presence in this coming important event. And whenever we say there is a crisis in political party life in Lebanon, this also means that there is a lack of party practices, which we've been also facing. As opposition, what is your plan to face the coming phase? In my opinion, there is a tendency toward agreeing on a common platform, and I don't think this issue looks hard. What is your stance on the parliamentary elections law? Time is against the passing of a modern and balanced electoral law and I believe it is most probable that a "fast-made" law arises. If there is no proportionality in the law, it will lack democracy. It is better to have proportional elections at the level of the governorate. What are the reasons, in your opinion, behind the campaign against Walid Jumblatt? The campaign against Jumblatt is a Syrian-Lebanese "push of a button." That's all. It is clear that the person who benefited from the extension of the presidential mandate has an interest in settling scores. And I don't think the President of the Socialist Party will change his stance on the current situation. Even the authority has lost hope on containing this man. To what extent do you believe, as opposition, that the authority is willing to accept correcting the mistake it committed when it extended the president's term, and is it possible to visualize this correction happening through the resignation of the president of the republic? The opposition has not demanded the resignation of the president of the republic. Those who have committed this mistake know how to rectify it. Correction can be through the resignation of the president of the republic or through other measures. Perhaps President Lahoud learns from what has happened, works on non-aligning himself, like an arbitrator, stops presiding over cabinet meetings and works seriously for the formation of a government of serious national dialogue. What do you think of the new government? This government is weak and they should have better come up with an active technocrat government. The government should have been of one political color even if I welcome the appointment of two women in this government and I blame Premier Rafik Hariri for he didn't do this step before. If Premier Karami formed a true national reconciliation government, he could have offered his government better circumstances for a more successful performance. But it seems what was meant by forming this kind of government - were division of spoils seems more apparent than any time in the past - was giving the biggest share to [Syrian officer in charge of Lebanon] General Rustom Ghazaleh. Does the opposition see that UNSC Resolution 1559 was passed and will be implemented or will it be a sword directed at the throats of Lebanon and Syria? If UNSC 1559 were a sword, it would be directed against Syria and not Lebanon. We as Lebanese, for example, cannot but support this resolution because we want the sovereignty and independence of our country. But if the Americans want to use it for other purposes, it is their problem. Eventually, we cannot be - as Lebanese - against the text of this resolution, and we're not embarrassed of it. This resolution has become part of international legitimacy which has always been and remains the refuge for Lebanon, Syria and all other countries and we have no interest in becoming her [UN] enemies or refuse to implement its decisions.
Republics of Fearlessness?
On conjugating liberalism in Syria and Lebanon.
An interview with journalist and author Samir Kassir
By Michael Young - Reason contributing editor and opinion editor at the Daily Star newspaper in Beirut.
Reason– June 8, 2004
Excerpts from Assiyasah’s Interview with Samir Kassir
Beirut, Omar Badran
Assiyasah: November 11, 2004
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